Karlovac,Croatia, Croatian soldier on guard duty,March 30 1992Karlovac,Croatia,02 April 1992, Croatian soldier on guard duty
Karlovac,Croatia,Croatian Soldier on guard duty,April 02 1992
Mostar,Bosnia, April 03 1992, Croatian soldiers guard the city against the Yugoslav People’s Army,who defended Serbian autonomous regions in Bosnia.Croats are traditionally strongly catholic.
Karlovac,Croatia, April 04 1992,funeral of a Croatian soldier.In 1992 Croatian forces were fighting Serbian-backed militias in Croatia who controlled parts of Croatian territory.
Karlovac,Croatia,April 4 1992, funeral of a Croatian soldier. In 1992 Croatian forces were fighting Serbian-backed militias in Croatia who controlled parts of Croatian territory.
Karlovac,Croatia, April 4 1992,funeral of a Croatian soldier.In 1992 Croatian forces were fighting Serbian-backed militias in Croatia who controlled parts of Croatian territory.
Vinkovci,Croatia, April 5 1992,Bosnian refugees hosted on train donated by Germany. The number of Bosnian refugees in Croatia reached around 16,500 in March 1992, This influx created a significant humanitarian and economic burden on CroatiaVinkovci,Croatia,April 5 1992,Bosnian refugees hosted on train donated by Germany.The number of Bosnian refugees in Croatia reached around 16,500 in March 1992, This influx created a significant humanitarian and economic burden on CroatiaVinkovci,Croatia, April 5 1992,Bosnian refugees hosted on train donated by Germany. The number of Bosnian refugees in Croatia reached around 16,500 in March 1992, This influx created a significant humanitarian and economic burden on CroatiaVinkovci,Croatia, April 5 1992, a Bosniak refugee gave birth in train donated by Germany.The number of Bosnian refugees in Croatia reached around 16,500 in March 1992, This influx created a significant humanitarian and economic burden on CroatiaVarazdin countryside,Croatia,Croatian boys holding Croatian flag,on April 6 1992. In 1992, the Vance plan established a ceasefire,after major gains of Serbian forces in Croatia in 1991.Karlovac, St.Nicholas Serbian Orthodox Church, April 7 1992. Mines were detonated inside the church by Croatian forces in 1991Karlovac,Croatia, St.Nicholas Serbian Orthodox Church,April 7 1992. Mines were detonated inside the church by Croatian forces in 1991. The church is now rebuiltMostar, April 11 1992,a woman in front of a building hit by Serbian shelling. In 1992 Mostar was.heavily hit by the JNA, the Yugoslav National Army, during a siege which involved the destruction of most of the city’s bridges.Mostar, April 11 1992,a woman in front of a building hit by Serbian shelling. In 1992 Mostar was.heavily hit by the JNA, the Yugoslav National Army, during a siege which involved the destruction of most of the city’s bridges.Dakovo, Croatia, April 10 1992. The writing on the wall: Americans,shame on your statue,seems to represent the resentment of the Croatian Bosniak population towards the US for not intervening early enough in the conflict.Osijeck, Croatia, April 13 1992 ,Camp hosting Bosniak refugees. The number of Bosnian refugees in Croatia reached around 16,500 in March 1992, This influx created a significant humanitarian and economic burden on Croatia.Varazdin,Croatia, April 14 1992,shelter for Bosnian refugees.The number of Bosnian refugees in Croatia reached around 16,500 in March 1992, This influx created a significant humanitarian and economic burden on Croatia.Mostar, April 17 1992, Bosnian children playing with tanks. Mostar was besieged by the Serb dominated Yugoslav People’s Army in 1992 after Bosnia and Herzegovina declared independanceVirovitica countryside,Croatia,April 18,outside a camp for Bosnian refugees.The number of Bosnian refugees in Croatia reached around 16,500 in March 1992, This influx created a significant humanitarian and economic burden on Croatia.Karlovac countryside, Croatia,April 20 1992,a woman sowing seeds in the groundVirovitica, Croatia, April 24 1992, Bosnian refugee camp. The number of Bosnian refugees in Croatia reached around 16,500 in March 1992. This influx created a significant humanitarian and economic burden on Croatia.Zenica, Bosnia,April 26 1992, Bosniak refugee camp.In 1992 Bosnia had centers for internally displaced people (IDPs) to provide humanitaria aid. The conflict caused a massive wave of displacement. Zenica,Bosnia,April 28 1992, shelter for Bosnian refugees.In 1992 Bosnia had centers for internally displaced people (IDPs) to provide humanitaria aid. The conflict caused a massive wave of displacement.Zenica, Bosnia, April 28 1992, shelter for Bosnian refugees.In 1992 Bosnia had centers for internally displaced people (IDPs) to provide humanitaria aid. The conflict caused a massive wave of displacement.Zenica,Bosnia,April 28 1992,shelter for Bosnian refugees.In 1992 Bosnia had centers for internally displaced people (IDPs) to provide humanitaria aid. The conflict caused a massive wave of displacement.Zenica,Bosnia,April 29 1992, camp hosting Bosnian refugees.In 1992 Bosnia had centers for internally displaced people (IDPs) to provide humanitaria aid. The conflict caused a massive wave of displacement.Zenica, Bosnia,April 30 1992,camp hosting Bosnian refugees.In 1992 Bosnia had centers for internally displaced people (IDPs) to provide humanitarian aid. The conflict caused a massive wave of displacement.Zenica, Bosnia, May 1st 1992, wounded Bosniak fighters.When the war started in April 1992, the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (dominated by Bosniaks) and the Bosnian Croat military were allied against the Bosnian Serb army and the Yugoslav army forces
Zenica, Bosnia,May 05 1992, refugee camp.In 1992 Bosnia had centers forinternally displaced people (IDPs) to provide humanitarian aid. The conflict caused a massive wave of displacement.
Zenica, Bosnia, May 6 1992, an aircraft part of the UNPROFOR Mission in Bosnia.Its mandate included delivering humanitarian aid, protecting designated “safe areas”
Zenica, Bosnia,May 7 1992,UN humanitarian aid convoy.The UN’s large-scale humanitarian mission in Bosnia began in 1992 with the establishment of the UN Protection Force (UNPROFOR)
Zenica countryside,Bosnia,May 7 1992,a Bosniak woman tending her cow.
Zenica, Bosnia,May 7 1992, Bosniak residents in front of building hit by a Serbian airstrike
Dakovo, Croatia, May 7 1992. The number of Bosniak refugees in Croatia reached around 16,500 in March 1992.This influx created a significant humanitarian and economic burden on Croatia.Unspecified village in Northern Bosnia,May 8 1992.A Bosniak woman tending her flockUnspecified village in Northern Bosnia,May 8 1992,a Bosniak woman tending her flock.Zenica,Bosnia,May 8 1992,a Bosniak woman making bread in a makeshift oven.Split, Croatia,May 20 1992. In the port,a man is resting on the dock by an old vessel
Split,Croatia,May 20 1992. On the coastal city, people kept going about their daily business in spite of the war..
Split, Croatia,May 20 1992.In the coastal city, people kept going about their business in spite of the war.
Split,Croatia,May 20 1992.In the coastal city,people kept going about their daily business in spite of the war.Split,Croatia,May 20 1992.In the coastal city, people kept going about their daily business in spite of the war.
Split, Croatia,May 20 1992.In the coastal town, people kept going about their daily business in spite of the war.
May 21 2021.In Zadar,on the mediterranean coast,Croatian boys draw water from a well due to the scarcity of water.
Hebron, West Bank,July 10 2010.IDF (Israeli Defence Forces) take position at anti occupation demonstration.Hebron,June 26 2010. In the Beit Romano settlement in the old city Israeli settlers walk through a street where stores are owned by Arab residents,and the upper floors are occupied by settlersHebron, July 3 2010. A Palestinian man face to face with a Israeli military at anti occupation demonstration.On In the Beit Romano settlement,in the old town of Hebron, weekly demonstrations were attended by international protesters and residents as well.Hebron, July 10 2010, international activists facing IDF in anti occupation demonstration
Hebron, July 10 2010, international activists face IDF at demonstration against occupation
Hebron, July 10 2010, international activists face IDF at demonstration against occupation
Hebron,Beit Romano Settlement,July 10 2010, IDF takes position during a raid in the occupied old town.
Hebron, West Bank, July 3 2010, Palestinian boy at demonstration against occupation
Kalandia checkpoint, entry to Jerusalem, July 9 2009,Palestinian boy trying to sell merchandise to vehicles entering IsraelHebron,West Bank,July 10 2010, Palestinian residents and international activists facing IDF at anti occupation demonstrationHebron,West Bank, July 3 2010, Palestinian boy holding a sign against occupation as IDF looks on.Hebron,West Bank,July 3 2010, Palestinian boy holding a sign against occupation as IDF looks on.
Hebron,West Bank,July 10 2010, Palestinian boy holding a sign against occupation at a weekly demonstration.
Hebron, Beit Romano settlement,Palestinian youth shouting at Israeli settlers while holding the sign: “Open” (Shouhada street).From a window, they are showering the protesters with dirty water,
Hebron, June 26 2010. Paestinian residents shouting at Israeli settlers who threw garbage into a Arab street.A net was placed to hold the garbage.The settlers occupy the upper floors while Arab residents own the stores on the street.
Ramallah, West Bank, July 7 2009, Palestinian boy selling coffee
Ramallah,West Bank, July 7 2009, a Palestinian boy pushing his bread cart
Kalandia checkpoint,West Bank, July 9 2009, Palestinian youth selling merchandise by the separation wall.
Kalandia checkpoint, entry to Jerusalem, July 9 2009, Palestinian youthsselling merchandise at the separation walll.
July 9 2009, Kalandia Checkpoint, Palestinian boy waiting for vehicles to sell items to West Bank residents entering East Jerusalem.
Kalandia checkpoint, entry to East Jerusalem,July 9 2009,the separation wallRamallah,West Bank,July 3 2010.Palestinian man at his market stall.Hebron,West Bank,June 26 2010,Palestinian boy selling merchandise at the market on the way to the Beit Romano settlement.Ramallah,West Bank, July 9 2010, Palestinian boy selling sweets on theHebron, West Bank,July 7 2009,Palestinian boy next to Arafat posterhebron, a Palestinian store owner.On the wall,a poster of Saddam Hussein.Palestinian regarded Saddam as a strong leader who championed their cause throughout his life and was a steadfast defender of their rights to his last days.
Hebron, West Bank,July 6 2009, Palestinian boy selling sweets.
Hebron,West Bank, July 5 2009,Palestinian man selling almondsin the city center.Ramallah, West Bank, July 9 2009,Palestinian boy selling drinksRamallah, 3 July 2010, Palestinian boys near Arafat posterHebron,the old town,West Bank, July 6 2009, Palestinian boy selling sweets.Many residents stores were closed by the IDF after a Jewish man’s rampage killed 29 Muslim worshipers at the nearby Tomb of the Patriarchs in 1994.Bethlehem,July 4 2009,Palestinian man at his market stall.
Ramallah, West Bank,July 3 2010, Palestinian boy selling herbs at the market
Kalandia checkpoint, West Bank, entry to East Jerusalem.30/6/2010.Palestinian boy heading to the check point to sell sweets to West Bank residents entering Israel.
Bethlehem,West Bank,July 4 2009.Palestinian woman in her store
Hebron, West Bank,July 7 2009. The main market
Hebron,West Bank,June 26 2010. A boy in the butcher’s shopHebron, July 6 2009, Palestinian women in the old town.Hebron,West Bank, July 6 2009, Palestinian man at his food stall.Hebron, West Bank, July 6 2009,a Palestinian man in his store in the old townHebron,West Bank,July 3 2010. Palestinian man making bread in the oldtown. Many Arab residents’stores were closed after a Jewish man’s rampage killed 29 Muslim worshipers at the nearby Tomb of the Patriarchs in 1994.Hebron, West Bank,July 6 2009. Palestinian children coming back from the marketHebron, West Bank,July 6 2009Hebron, West Bank,July 6 2009, Palestinian children heading back from the market.Hebron, July 6 2009.A Palestinian woman heading to the marketwith her children.Hebron, West Bank, July 5 2009. A Palestinian youth selling herbs in the city center.Hebron, Shouhada Street,July 3 2010. After the massacre carried out by Baruch Goldstein, a right wing Jewish extremist in 1994, killing 29 Palestinian in the Hibrahimi Mosque, Isreal closed the street to Palestinians “in order to prevent reprisals”.Hebron,West Bank,July 3 2010. Arab residents are denied access to Shuhada StreetHebron, West Bank, July 3 2010,Hebron, West Bank, June 26, 2010, Palestinian women resting.
Bethlehem,July 4 2009,Palestinian man at the market
Hebron,West Bank,June 29 2010.A Palestinian boy selling herbs in the old town. Hebron, West Bank, July 3 2010. A Palestinian woman with her child walks on the main streetRamallah, West Bank,July 9 2010, a Palestinian man brings his peacock to the marketHebron, West Bank,Beit Romano settlement. July 10 2010. Palestinian woman shying away from the camera.Bethlehem, West Bank, July 10 2010, The separation WallHebron, West Bank, June 26 2010, a Palestinian man in the Beit Romano settlementHebron, West Bank, July 5 2009, a Palestinian woman selling herbs in front of her house.Ramallah, West Bank,June 24 2010, a just married couple reflected in a window
According to the legal counsel of Pacific Press Agency, Mr Herman Lumanog, CEO of Pacific Press Photo Agency, did Not sell these images, of which I am the Author and copyright holder, to the end user, Deutsche Welle.
“Pacific Press was not the one who sold to parties who used the said images since they only distribute to agencies as well”
As per credit attribution, adjacent although not prominent, to these Deutsche Welle images, they were in fact marketed/distributed/shared by PPA to PA, DPA Picture Alliance GmbH, a wholly-owned subsidiary of the German Press Agency dpa.
Not only were the above Deutsche Welle sales, unreported in my PPA sales report, but also #UnPaid.
#Unreported Sales to Deutsche Welle
Although the legal counsel of PPA clearly states:
“As regards to sales, you may rest assured that the 30 images that were used by several publications included but not limited to Deutsche Welle,Infomigrants and The Guardian have been properly accounted for in their records”,
Deutsche Welle is naturally not obligated to disclose their contractual relationships with their rights owners:
Picture Alliance refers their visitors to Pacific Press Agency
It appears that Picture Alliance refers their visitors to PPA to license their images featured on Picture Alliance Website:
Neither did Mr Herman Lumanog pay me royalties for The Guardian, Radio France, AlJazeera, Condé Nast, Microsoft, Tower Media Middle east, and InfoMigrants.
Agency shall remit to the Contributor a royalty of fifty per cent of the net revenue invoiced and reported by Agency for the licensing of Contributor’s images through the Pacific Press Agency worldwide
Thus, according to the above sales report, Mr Lumanog made a median net revenue of approximately 2,34 USD per image sold, after sales to PPA partner agencies, resulting in a median royalty of 1,60 USD per image to the Contributor.
PPA Public price of image license as compared to royalties in PPA sales report https://t.co/zziWivQVCA
Summer 2013. In the Aleppo countryside, the Al-Aqsa Brigade of the Free Syrian Army fires down below at the Hezbollah militias who have penetrated the villages of Nubbul and Zahara.
Of all the FSA commanders we met, Yaser Sokar, head of the Al-Aqsa brigade, an unprejudiced, soft-spoken man, is the only one who dared to shake our hands, wiping his own afterwards as a joke. The villages of Nubbul and Al-Zahra have been penetrated by Hezbollah; “Can the siege be broken by the SAA?”, we asked him. “No, never, we’ll eventually rout them out!” He gave us the green light to go to Jabbal Shewehna, a front line at the bottom of a hill a few kilometers from Hraytan. The Al Aqsa fighters stand on one side of the hill, and the regime troops stand on the other. “If we take this hill top, we’ll take all of Aleppo!” says one Al-Aqsa fighter, still foolishly trapped in the magical thinking of victory over “Gaahesh”, that’s what they call Bashar here from the donkey’s genes that shape his face. The rebels complained about the enemy’s superiority given its use of the Shilka, a tank with a sniper capable of shooting 2400 bullets per minute.
The FSA fighters have received a few Concourse missiles, basically zapper guns, but still lament the weapons of the poor. They particularly badly need RPG-type of rocket that can better track and follow enemy targets, primarily the Russian made T-72 tanks.
The FSA base, a huge barrack behind of a two-kilometer long wall used for sniping through the breaches in it, “is manned by about 400 men, or so the regime thinks!”, says a young fighter, laughing. Standing out beside an antique mystery cannon and home made attempts at casting their own barrels, is a “Dushka” machine gun, pilfered from the regime and fitted with a 14.5 mm cartridge that can release 300 bullets per minute.
Commander Yaser Socar’s dinner invitation had an hidden agenda; it was a cry for help. The comfortably furnished rooms of his house exuded culture and open mindedness, and moderate wealth. Too unpretentious to present us with an exclusively Syrian meal, he added a European-type of course to the dinner to make us feel more comfortable. Then he exclaimed, painfully:
“We are the real Muslims of Syria. Do we look like terrorists to you? They killed our children, they burned our houses. Did they call them terrorists? We are the ones they called terrorists! The true terrorists were released by the regime in 2011 from Saidnaya prison, under pressure from the international community in the first few months of the uprising, as part of a smokescreen amnesty.
Our battalion, the Al Aqsa Brigade, didn’t get all the media attention that Al-Tawheed did, and therefore didn’t get the needed military supplies from Qatar that they did. We didn’t even get enough bullets from the military council of the FSA, let alone foreign powers!”
He said he would take us on the following day to Nubbul and Al-Zahra, two Shia villages on the outskirts of Aleppo, with a combined population of about 5000, where Hezbollah reigns and even the women carry guns. Here, the Al-Aqsa men enjoy a formidable vantage point: the terrace of yet another elegant private mansion turned into an FSA headquarters. We were actually facing Nubbul and Al-Zahra from about three kilometres away. The rebel’s elevated position above the villages definitely gave them the upper hand. Suddenly, the men ducked in a row behind the terrace wall to exchange fire. Suddenly, one of the Al-Aqsa fighters shouted “Allahu Akbar,” leaping excited with his Kalashnikov lifted in the air. It then became still. He had just killed a man. When asked why Hezbollah woudn’t dare to retaliate the injury, they said that daylight doesn’t allow them to clash comfortably enough. All throughout the clash, our fixer and our friends held their back glued to the terrace floor. On it, lay a dozen or so empty bullet casings landed from the other side.
Zakaria Jrab, leader of the Katiba Shams Alhak (The Sun of Righteousness), is a member of the military commitee of the Council of the Governorate of Aleppo. I asked him:
“Mr. Jrab, what is the ideological difference between Ahrar Al-Sham and the FSA? The way Ahrar members dress, in black from head to toe and wearing black kohl around their eyes, is not exactly reassuring”.
“There is no difference between the two: we are brothers, we coordinate with each other on the front line. However, Ahrar Al-Sham is more devout and more rigorous in the observance of the Sharia then the FSA, where some elements may be nonchalant or plain aloof. We can definitely say they are Islamists, but we work together because they are not radical.”
“Does the FSA has more affinity with Ahrar Al-Sham than with Al- Golani?” Ahrar Al-Sham is easier to deal with, more open minded and doesn’t have an agenda. Mr. Golani wants to take over the country after the revolution.” “Why can’t you get good antiaircraft from the United States, like Turkey did? “Because the United States has a precondition: they want to give Idlib and Aleppo to their ally, Turkey.”
” What about Qatar? Why they don’t help you more?” “Because they don’t have the OK from the United States. Recently a shipment of RPG made in Austria, from the UAE to Syria, was stopped by the United States. The regime has Shilkas with snipers capable of shooting 2400 bullets per minute. We have 45 mm “Dushka” machine guns at 300 bullets per minute” And a sleek, albeit quite lonely, M16 from the United States; plus, of course, MRE, “meals ready to eat”, repurposed from Iraq and Afghanistan. http://www.bbc.com/news/magazine-33997408
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night boat to misrata
“I request that I be investigated for my role in the old regime, even as president, by a new judicial…” http://t.co/gkjSDUAg
Tobruck from Cairo: the humble donkey cart stopped at Saloum, intimidated by the wealth beyond the custom barrier. In the waste land to the border, we took several lifts from private cars and quite a few among them, even if welcoming, did not shy away from recommending tips.
That wouldn’t happen in Libya: if you are a foreigner, don’t try to pay for buns at the bread line in Misrata, and don’t try to wait for your turn either. When the oven doors open, you are invited to take a cloth and help yourself to the hot buns, then at the cash, a flashed open palm, slightly pushed forward, indicates that even if you are a regular with two baguettes you are free to go.
Benghazi Freedom Square had been rehearsing for months, the celebration of the impending mad dog’s fall, 4 months before a bullet blew his head: 40 km west of Misrata, the rebels were pushing the front line further west every day, “container by container”, boasted Tribute fm 92.4, the English-speaking radio operated by Libyan expats returned from London in order not to miss the inevitable.
On the promenade along the sea, amongst the loads of wearable memorabilia with the Libyan star and moon, the colors of the European creditors of the revolution were for sale as bracelets, or waving tall on flags, together with those of the overseas allies of the free world. Whoever engaged in conversation prized their favorite western sponsor: “Sarkozy, Italia, myamya!” (Libyan for excellent, they never heard it in Syria). Some kids were passing USB keys to the journalists, containing images of babies burned by white phosphorous in Misrata. The facade of the Courthouse was completely covered by a mosaic of faces. The man requested who they were lowered his head and shut his eyes: “They are the “shahids”, the martyrs of the regime from 1969 until the battle of the Katiba, the government garrison conquered by the rebels in February 2011.”
The women in black from Freedom Square, then aging, where holding framed portraits, bearing the likenesses of their own children, between their twenties and thirties, victims of the Abu Salim massacre, back in 1996, when 1200 regime opponents were machined-gunned in barely 137 minutes.
Back to the hotel, the manager himself was watching burned bodies from the Misrata shelling, and so did we, some were babies wrapped in white shrouds. Then he recommended to get black veils to go around, which we did at the souk, for 5 dinars, from a merchant who took 20 and forgot to give us back the change. At the ensuing riot, the Libyan men at the souk deliberated that the merchant was “No Libyan people”, claiming that national moral code which came up up again subsequently for, perhaps amongst other reasons, the sake of the Libyan reputation abroad. Misrata committee, Benghazi port. We were ordered to enter the ladies’ waiting room for the ship to Misrata, which was also a prayer area. The ferry fare was 70 dinar for Libyans and 150 for foreigners (one way), a surprising double standard because “everybody must pay according to their means”. The night passage of about 450 km west was secure, the staff guaranteed, because “NATO approved”; the boat, full. The passengers were so closely packed together, that a man’s toe, who was lucky enough to have found a chair, was dangling on the open mouth of a snoring man, lying on the deck. Most of them were Misrata residents, bringing back rare goods, like cheese, coffee, cigarettes. The free alternative, a fishermen’s boat, which was also carrying a few shababs, the men at war, was expected to have a duration of 50 hours.
Misrata
The magic word to reach the front line sounded like a code name: Dafniya, literally Land of Farmers, End of Misrata, seemed to stand for the front line as well. Just mentioning to the rebels when they stopped their pickups, would provide us a lift 40 miles west to a shipping container, overflowing with sand, as a makeshift rampart to block the road. Further up, more containers were marking subsequent gains of ground. With civilian cars it didn’t work, we were sent back to the checkpoint. The advance “container by container” from Tribute radio was finally realized: a fresh container, marking the farthest position of the front line, was added each time a jump ahead was produced, thus leaving the preceding ones behind, a line up of staggered blocks where the pickups would zig-zag right through, a quite familiar maze for them. Overflowing with sand to deter the impact of bullets, the containers were an ingenious concept born out of necessity, like the UB-16 Soviet rocket launchers, effectively recycled from old choppers and mounted on pick ups.
A distant heir, for astuteness, of the Stalingrad soldiers who would send dogs with dynamite into the nazi lines, (the rebels have actually been known for sending out reconnaissance dogs with flashlights in the outskirts of Tripoli), this army of its own shared with its precursors the strategy of provisioning: 75% of the ammo, affirmed a rebel, had been looted from the enemy forces. The statement seemed reliable, if we consider the often bare footed state these troops were in: the only Nato-vehicles in sight on this side of the front were local black cars with a large white N painted on the hood, not a joke, as one might think, but a measure of protection from possible friendly fire from above, they said.
Misrata was besieged on two principal front lines: on the west side, Dafnyia, 40 km from Mysratah, was facing Zlitan. On the eastern outskirts, Karareem confronted Tawergha, where the population of color was traditionally loyalist: also a civil war of black vs white, the conflict uprooted people from east to west and vice versa, out of allegiances or coercion.
Gozeelteek, a ghostly hotel with a bombed-out wing, had been deserted even by journalists: in order to encourage them, the media center and radio Misrata were courteously putting up the brave ones left, breakfast included. There we had, at 5 am in mid june, our first unconscious grad missile experience, likening a thunderclap from a 35 pounds dumbbells being dropped a couple of floors up.
At Gozeelteek, as an unconventional security measure, you couldn’t even lock yourself up in your room, because there was no key. Next door right, Portia Walker of the Washington Post and Ruth Sherlock of The Telegraph had blocked their door with furniture for good, they used the balcony we shared to get in, the first time with a vigorous jump, which scared the daylight out of this writer’s soul, screaming her guts out and ready to surrender her throat to the knife wielding cutter.
Next door left, the beautiful face of Chris Stephen of The Guardian, never to be seen again on the screen, protectively blurred in his You tube interviews, probably from the name he has to carry.
Kahlil, a guest of the hotel originally from Zlitan, had come back from London “to help his brothers” by fighting his former city from the Dafnyia front. Those who had been deported by Gadhafi from Misrata to Zlitan, during the Misrata Spring, were forced to bomb their city of origin. Kahlil recounted, at breakfast, that when a grad missile was launched into town, massacres of large proportions were avoided thanks to them, the deported rebels, who didn’t screw the self-destructor on the grad at the moment of launching. The devices, which normally would provoke the grad explosion and were rigorously kept apart from the rocket for security, were surreptitiously hidden in the sand by the “traitors”.
On the other hand, the “desaparecidos” from Misrata were men of the opposition taken away from their family in the same period, but not for fighting. We met them when talking to the people: in one day only, two fathers claimed back their sons, and a son claimed back his father: they all wanted to have the kidnappings reported on Al Jazeera.
On the 16th of June, the pick-up driver had taken us to the path beyond the last container, most probably the Dafnyia dirt beltway, protected by berms of shoveled up earth, along which we could ride looking for best shot, but beyond which we dared not go. Our fixer was the commander of the katiba Al Sumud, “The Non Surrenders”, same as Saddam Hussein’s resilient, UN banned missiles. He explained that Katibas often included men sharing the same occupation in civilian life.
Dafnyia
Here the shababs sipped and shared their tea with us, in a moment of pause, where the language barrier was overcome by all of us, by reiterating the mantra “Gadhafi out” ad nauseam, accompanied by the hand gesture of slitting one’s own throat. We stayed until 6 pm, when the mortar bombs started to fall. The commander turned his face up and lifted his arms up and out, as if contemplating a benevolent rain, identifying them as “hown, hown!!” (Arabic for mortar). These bombs were usually responsible for the typical black halo around the breaches in the walls of Tripoli street, Misrata’s main avenue whose videos got blanket media coverage.
In order to see the howns, since we had to live with them, we went where Gadhafi forces left them: on Tripoli street there was a weapon’s fair displaying exploded mortar bombs, the tail fitted with a full around crown, and not much else, the tip and body mostly blasted out. The grad, a 3 meter long missile with a range of up to 40 km, was the main showpiece of that blasted arsenal, made of artifacts of the springtime slaughtering.
27 th June. Dafniya was most of the time off limits. A colleague at the hotel suggested to jump in an ambulance. We requested a lift to the Al Hikma hospital, situated at the beginning of the road to Dafniya, which served quite well as an indicator of the situation at the front: empty emergency area, Dafnyia “myamya”. The strategy was almost perfect, the driver not allowing us into Dafniya, and dropping us off at the field hospital, at approximately 4 km from the front line. “This is where the wounded soldiers are first taken”, said a doctor, so they won’t die before they are taken back to Misrata. A man was dousing the ambulance floor with a water hose, turning the saturated red to clear.
At the gate of the driveway to the hospital, at approximately 5 pm, multiple grads hit the ground, like craters erupting in near unison. Too close for comfort. One turns around, and around, and there are no craters, and one is afraid to step into the next crater, or to stay and become the next crater. The drivers coming from Dafnyia, who usually slowed down to say hello with the V sign for victory, were zooming by like bullets flying into the city, and so did a car coming from the hospital, leaving us standing there.
Back at the hospital, the staff confirmed that three grads had actually hit the tomato field, which provided the main ingredient for the daily-baked pizza for the army, then ordered positively not to disclose to the media where they hit.
The 2nd of July. An empty tent at the Al Hikma hospital, Dafniya myamya, we took off again. The freedom fighter first took us for a tour along the beach to see the Chinese development binge: the construction of the huge condo buildings, about 5 km long, was on hold for the duration of the revolution, he explained, and scheduled to resume, hopefully, quite soon. Then he stopped on the way to Dafniya to practice his machine gun.
Standing up in the back of the pick up, he fired away from behind a flat metal shield all the way up to his neck, making the kalashnikovs on the back seat next to us rattle and shake and nearly drop and hit the car floor. At Dafnyia, a mujah, taking advantage of the endless stalemate, was sleeping right on top of the dunes in the last container (helas the last for the last 6 weeks), holding on to his AK 47 in his sleep. Another was preparing to launch a rpg, which in Libya is usually referred to as rgb, like the acronym of primary colors, red, blue and green.
Dozens of pick-ups, coming from the city were carrying rajima rockets launchers, lodging 12 missiles of 8 km range, to the southern flank of the front. The poor relative of the grad, which can reach as far 40 km, but of the same 122 mm caliber, the rajima is also shorter, and represented the most ubiquitous weapon in the rebels’ sui generis ammunitions’ insalata.
The 8 of july, return to safe haven Benghazi. On Al Jazera, a reporter in Dafnyia showed what just yesterday had been the furthest position for 6 weeks:
the abandoned container where the shabab slept, the dunes on the container covered by a barrage of bullets. “Not to worry” reassured the reporter, they are doubling down exactly 6 km further: after 6 weeks of impasse, a new container had been placed just 160 km west from the snake’s head in Tripoli.
On the road to Ajdabia, at the last check point before the city, some kids in uniform, by then part of a regular army of the revolution, posed proud for the camera with a brand new battery of their own brand new “hown”, made -they said- in South Korea, and a line up of their own grads, just out of the box from Russia, some still in the package marked “explosive”, guarded by a sleepy soldier lying on a mattress.
The 23 of August: it’s hard to sit pretty across the sea when Tripoli is being taken; Rome, Cairo, Xandria, back to the waste swathe before Libya: at the border, the chief inspector was a member of the Abdullah Al Zanussi family, a prominent Tobruk family who was part of the Tobruk PTC (Provincial Transitional Council). He recognized us from our previous entry visa and we congratulated him for the job well done. Next day, three young men stopped their Toyota pick up rolling down the window: “Benghazi?” We jumped in, after 15 km, they made a right turn towards the fourth Italian shore. At the beach, the man next to the driver pulled out a knife and handcuffs, so we threw mac books, cameras, Euros , and shoes at them, in exchange for an open car door, a deal they seemed quite happy with. A handful of Euros, which were meant to fantastically multiply by two, once exchanged into dinars at the black market behind the hotel Dojal!
The gang escaped with their loot, taking along with, them, inshallah, the wacko with the handcuffs calling out “jeans!” from the front seat. The people of Tobruk (who oddly enough, mentioned more often that “Rommel passed by here” rather than Montgomery) picked us up barefooted, and the Abdullah al Zanussi family put us up at the 5 stars family’s hotel, Al-Masira, apparently “march” in arabic, named, it was rumored, by Mussolini.
In the hall, it was Al Jazeera all the time, and that meant Libya all the time. The leader of the rebels in Tripoli, Abdel-Hakim Belhaj, the Americans were concerned- was supposed to have ties with Al Qaida, and had exhorted the rebels not to hand in their weapons. Also,the emir of Qatar, who financed the revolution, is some kind of a wahabist, leader of an oppressive regime.
Jamel, a Dafniya rebel, however, did wave his index finger at us, declaring: “No bin Laden!” He admitted that his all-time hero was Fracesco Totti, the king of Italian soccer.
During out on the town time we were escorted at all time by Farraj, – his real name – a cop, just in case the wackos would show up again. In downtown Tobruck there is a tiny tiny church, all boarded up. In spite of all the sour feelings, Tobruck residents didn’t take it down, because, he said, the Libyans didn’t mind the Italians after all.
LIBYA IS FREE: Saif al-Islam Gaddafi ‘pretended to be a camel herder’ when captured Captor says dictator’s… http://t.co/9qFUaOxB
The old district of Bab Al Hadid, the Iron gate, surrounds the ancient Citadel and its hill. In the neighborhood, every battalion has its own front line, except for larger brigades who fight on more then one.
A woman with more then one stray wisps of hair poking out from under her veil, and ash blond at that, walking down the cobbled streets of Bab Al Adid, waving to a stranger, didn’t fail to impress commander Sheik Kattan, who pulled over his pick up to engage in conversation. He is in charge of the artillery of the Ahrar Syria brigade ( the Free people of Syria) one of the largest in the city, about 5000 men, and he is willing to show us the rebels’ experiments at casting their own barrels. On the way, he lifted the cover of an intriguing tunnel, looking from the asphalt like the regular cover of a city conduit, but used instead by the rebels to penetrate into enemy’s neighborhoods.
Where exactly the tunnel would end up, he wouldn’t say. At the command center, he produced for us the performance of fire by lighting what he called magic cotton, which is regular medical cotton which underwent a chemical treatment with potassium nitrate, ammonium nitrate and acid. “What kind of acid?” , I asked him. “Acid, just acid.” As a result, the cotton becomes highly inflammable and it’s used, as he demonstrated, to fill up plastic cartridges to be inserted in equally hand crafted guns. “Where did you import the process from? Afghanistan?” “No, we were discouraged because nobody wanted to help us, so we searched the internet”. Commander Kattan then proceeded to show us a home made rpg shell which costed him 5 dollars to make, as opposed to the ones found on the dried up Lebanese market for 800,000 dollars. The 140 mm artillery and the shell which he dropped in it were also products of their own experiments in metallurgy , and so were the 3 kg missile and its launcher.
The jewel of the ammo was an ingeniously thought out dynamite launcher gun they nicknamed bombaction: the empty casing of a doshka bullet is filled with dynamite powder, then dropped into the tip of the gun. A cartridge filled with magic cotton is then placed inside the gun, which gets ignited at the triggering, thus propelling the dynamite launch.
Asked if the defeat of Qussair represented the loss of a supply route and troops to the Idlib province, Mr Kattan replied that the road was still in use, and they withdrew temporarily just to save civilians lives. “In Aleppo, we pushed the shabiha back to their neighborhoods and the citadel is ninety per cent taken”. Then we asked Mr Kattan to take us to the real thing. His men took us to unsuspected front lines, on the top floors of ancient burned buildings concealed by regular looking facades, up on the familiar tour of the rubble: In Aleppo’s Bab Al-Hadid neighborhood, or Iron Gate, between buildings held by the Free Syrian Army and the regime, shouts, then fire, were exchanged. The men of the Ahrar Syria Brigade (Free Syria) were the stokers; with temerity, they yelled “Shabiha! Shabiha!”, through rubbly breaches, standing around a building corner, atop ramshackle roofs, into surrounding regime held blocks. Annoyed that the mice hadn’t come out of their holes yet, they continued to shout insults: preferring to wait for darker hours, the Shabiha didn’t accept the invitation. So we would wait too, standing with our back against a putrid wall, feeling unsheltered as we looked out the wall-less side of the kitchen, now become an unglazed panorama over the remains of the Iron Gate.
Our friends, pointing at the snipers’ shots on the wall behind our shoulders, advised us to move over to a surprisingly safer spot: right in the open. We preferred to move. While moving building to building or even from a kitchen to a bedroom, missing or broken wall occasionally exposed us to the Shabiha’s view. We were thus advised to run. And so we did along the sniper alleys of the Iron Gate, back to the future from the siege of a city in a previous European war, two borders up, promised to be the last mass grave, the last stolen country.
Back to Bustan Al Qasr. Toni, the head of the AMC, proceeded to recount the real story, or history, of ISIS: “More and more Iraqi fighters were coming in, joining Al Nusra, sent in by Abu Baker Al Baghdadi to cause trouble, starting to interfere with people’s lives and kidnapping journalists. Baghdadi himself announced the merging of the State of Iraq with Syrian Al Nusra (the Sham); that made the Iraqi elements feel entitled to steal our weapons and money. Al Nusra’s high profile men lost control, and kept their head low, waiting for orders from their chief Al Golani, who declared he did not want to merge with Abu Baker and ISIS, however he did pledge allegiance to Al Zawahiri as a leader and a person, but not to Al Qaeda as the group. Al Zawahiri then disbanded the merger (we forgot to ask if he did encouraged it in the first place) and ordered Bahgdadi back to Iraq, and Golani to stay put, thus encouraging fighters to defect back from ISIS to Al Nusra. Baghdadi violated Zawahiri’s order and stayed in Syria, thus radicating terrorism in our Country.
Back to our rooms, we celebrated a long awaited trickle of water, tapping into the resource at a prodigious rate to fill a dozen bottles before it came to an end, and taking showers as if there was no tomorrow. Then by the light of the beam of the open mac book we went downstairs, mischievous kids popping out of dark corners, one of them pulling a serious kitchen knife out of the dark, all he had found to play with.
In the heyday of the Aleppo revolution, supper was extravagant even for spoiled western European standards: about twenty kids would take a break from laptopping the revolution, stand around a chairless table, stick their bumpy flat bread into tahini butter, made from freshly ground sesame, picking up roasted chicken with the folded circles, complaining that the cook wasn’t up to snuff, and wondering if I had a younger sister.
The first jihado nicknames however would start to bubble up on FB, and bad looking dudes in black with guns at the AMC gate, would gesture unfriendly to us “picture verboten”: the media center was soon to become an oxymoron for journalists, along with the fact that the regime, probably according to a “pattern of life behavior” had started to pick on us with what sounded like grad-thuds on our roof around 5 o’clock am.
But times were changing, as experienced by this writer, caught one morning inadvertently veilless at breakfast: veilless at breakfast is anathema enough in any Muslim country, even in tolerant not yet beard peaked Aleppo: Sami, our fixer, revealed that rumors had been circulating in the building about an undetermined number of wisps permanently poking out from under my hijab. The Administrator, look from jihadi central casting, disclosed a long buttoned up feeling, unbuttoned: he drew endless loops with his index finger around his face, meaning “the veil”, then he flashed his swinging open palms up at me, clearly conveying the international “that’s it” injunction. We were escorted to the available ramshackle car, Sami in the front seat, as an interpreter if needed. We drove up north 20 miles from Azaz, where we were courteously dumped at a bus stop, not in an unfriendly manner, bus fare to Kilis courtesy of the house. Sami ordered to write as soon as we had crossed the border, and I obliged to his 10 years older then real birthday Fb profile; he confirmed to my next fixer, that he “protected me as a woman in a warzone” and reiterated not to worry, it’s not uncommon that Syrian may be wary of journalists, even those who not so covertly root for the revolution.
russian backed pro regime forces arrive in #Raqqa Russia who’s allied w/US who’s not so allied with regime, or not?https://t.co/9ikowWSsv4
Our contact in a Turkish city which cannot be named for his protection is Ammar Cheikh Ammar, a German/ Syrian army deserter become media darling, interviewed by the New York Times Soldier Says Syrian Atrocities Forced Him to Defect and by German television DW, presented by them as Omar Sheikh Ammar, and showing in the comments as, what else is new, “a Jew on the whorish media’s payroll”. He’s our liaison with Aya in Gaziantep, where the fashionable spaghetti straps of Istanbul and Antakya give way to non-sexual dark veils. She is with Nsaeem Syria FM, (a pro Revolution radio station), meaning “Gentle wind” and claims to be a part time fixer, having helped into Syria la crème de la crème of international journalism.
In her room, a blood type silver tag with the words Al-Tawhid, and Free Syrian Army, oddly engraved together, lay on her bedside table. In NPR Fresh Air, May 1st, 2013, https://www.npr.org/player/embed/179855633/180037134, New York Times correspondent J.C. Chivers described indeed the most effective Aleppo brigade as an Al Nusra affiliate. Whether this is the case or not, in Aleppo Al-Tawhid is considered mainstream even by the moderate opposition itself: “The FSA and Al Tawid are actually the same thing, in that Al-Tawhid operates under the umbrella od the FSA”, Anas Alhaj, with the Council of the Governatorate of Aleppo, will proudly explain later to us in Aleppo.
Aya never procured us a fixer, although she went on a shopping spree with the money we gave her so she could find us one.
Bab Al Salam
The Kilis crossing is actually at Bab Al-Salam, which is almost a proper border, in that one is not required to show a passport. We easily got a lift to Azaz,safe zone mainly because it’s “no Bashar”, having been liberated by the FSA in 2012 from the regime, taken by ISIS in Oct 2013, and reliberated by the FSA in Jan 2014. Our host is Ibrahim, a Syrian refugee at Kilis’container who occasionally goes back to Azaz to check his house: in the face of the warnings against the Shabiha, (Shia militias), the mukhabarat (secret government police), and ISIS, we took a cab to Azaz, no men with guns with us: that’s what ordinary people do in Bab Al Salam: the taxi drivers wait after the second Turkish Gomruk – the custom – clean shirts ironed just across the border, faces also shaved in Kilis. Ibrahim’s granite house is the color of warm curcuma, he built it and then abandoned it to save his life. Touching the warm stone, then jabbing at the air above with his hand, he reiterated “granite, granite!”, obviously for “money down the drain!”. He started the generator to give some power to our computers, then said he would take us to Aleppo.
Aleppo
In starving Aleppo, a fixer’s fee averages at a reasonable 75,00 dollars a day; the days of Misrata 2011, when the journalists were put up at the Gozelteek hotel, courtesy of the local media center, and the rebels in flip flops would pick up the freelancers hitchhiking to the Dafniya front line, seem like a fable. At the Karaj al-Hajez crossing, the rebels carry back from the regime area the body of a fighter, on a stretcher, into FSA controlled Bustan Al Qasr. The stretcher bearers pop up from around the separation barricade, a bullet ridden bright red bus. The man in the front has his hands taken, his arms stretched backwards, at once trying to dodge my camera by bending his shoulders, and carry the body in the back, thus making him so unbalanced, that he had to bring himself back up, his cry unwillingly straight up to the lens. I wished I could have told him I hated to do that.
After a day’s visit to Aleppo, Ibrahim had to go back to his house/container at Bab Al Salam, and since we turned out to be “mushkela” (trouble makers), for overtripping the shutter, we negotiated a fee to stay for three more days at his friends’: thereafter, we had to cross the border again in order not to abuse.
Kilis: we are still the only journalists even on the safe side of the border; on the semi touristic main, Ahmed Abu Faraj, – not his real name, you bet!- the unipole of power for the provocateurs this side of the border, and a decoy fixer himself in Kilis, waved at us but oddly stopped short of walking over, sending instead his promenade companion over to us, a naive looking US student who furtively inquired about our plans in Syria in order to get help “for his humanitarian project”.
Hotel Paris, basically a social housing for refugees; in the morning the manager would serve us his mobile along with chai: a voice in broken English, in the business of naming, spooking us, and framing us as personae non gratae to the opposition, would challenge us: “you can’t go to Syria, you are on the black list!”, probably purporting we were in bed with the same Shiites of Syria we ourselves were fighting, albeit by way of a different type of machines and firepower. Getting uncomfortable, we tried to move to the three stars Mertur, where the manager flashed his palms at us meaning “no vacancy”, albeit exuding sophistry, then moved on to check in the Syrian behind us. The man removed his sun glasses, he looked like Ahmed Abu Faraj. Determined to unmask the snooper who shared our political sympathies, we called the Turkish police, forgetful of their records with foreign journalists, let alone Turkish journalists. Trying to drum up support from the Turkish cops was not a good idea, the officers didn’t care that the man smacked of snooping on us, and that the hotel was so vehemently off limits for us. They wouldn’t care about the fact that the man who had just checked in, had messaged us from his “news media” FB page, his profile picture matching his ID, and that he had approached us claiming to be a fixer. They didn’t care that he didn’t engage with us down the street, and he was faintly aloof while smiling. Useless to look for help for feeling followed, we stayed unfazed, and messaged some FB “people we may know” in Aleppo, in order to get some badly needed ammo. They turned out to be, as per FB timeline, true members of the Council of the Governorate of Aleppo, among them Anas Alhaj, who singularly rescued us from Turkey into Syria. We paid for the rooms for our last night, which had become unbearably hot. The small window above the door in our own room was stuck, and we had to poke it open with a broom handle, thereby breaking it, and promptly paying the manager for the glass we owned: the same man, later on, reported to our agency that we had damaged the hotel, but we already knew there was no place to hide for us in Kilis.
In the morning, Anas and his FSA pick up easily got check point cred at the crossing, where it basically works by rolling down the window, saying who you are and who you know, and getting waved off, no particular vetting needed, let alone getting checked against a conjectural black list.
In the Aleppo countryside, we are Anas’s guests. He put us up on the whole top floor of his uncle’s typical northern Syrian affluent class mansion, the warm colored granite of the terrace exudes wealth, sadly I am not allowed to step out on it, not even with the veil.
I am given a second skin to wear under my ankle long black dress, long enough to stumble on it, thus learning to live with the heat of Syria under my layers, out of respect for the Sunni of Syria.
I said to Anas that I had no clue, before coming down here, of what the Sunni of Syria would be like, other that they were among the People of the East, who crossed the sea under the Roman empire to make a glorious melting pot of our Nation: they have a way of life influenced by the Sunnah, interlaced and tinged with a European flare: under Bab Al Adeed’s rubbles, amongst human detritus, a reporter recounted to have lifted a trembling stone to find Shakespeare’s scattered verses, wondering if the dead boy under the rubble nearby had been reciting them, interrupted. I told him that our people must have rubbed off on each other during the centuries, as my Syrian friends on FB call me “more Syrian than Syrians”, although they never met me.
Every morning, Anas would come to pick me up and drive me to different katiba, brigades of fighters under the same umbrella of the FSA, to visit who’s wearing the boots who are doing the work on the ground.
In a shack, in in the village of Tal Shaier, 15 km from Aleppo, we met Mr Kalid Alhaj, the chief of the katiba The Martyrs of Gaza, under the umbrella od the FSA. Behind a long white beard and a jihadi central casting look, his nom de guerre Lion’s heart, he’s the most tolerant man one would ever expect to meet in the pantheon of the jihadi. He demanded that we didn’t respect the ramadan and offered us “eariq alssus”, a drink with a taste of liquorice.
He then introduced us to his two wives, and his katiba, the “CIA backed rebels'”, in the full vest of gun clips, and that was it for their war armamentarium: their arsenal , the same AK47 and rpg, as in 2012, early Libyan revolution style. A beardless young rebel, formerly a disgruntled student, performed for us the throw of a hand grenade with a slingshot, sarcastically describing the device as the latest non lethal assistance being pumped from the US, along with MRE, meals ready to eat: Arming Syrian rebels: Where the US went wrong
”Mr Alhaj, do you believe in the conspiracy theory, widely spread among the opposition, that the US, having realized that they can’t decapitate Assad from power, a triangulator in the region who hasn’t bothered Israel for over 40 years, has agreed with Russia to let Syria destroy itself like the proverbial slowly boiling frog? Isn’t that a little far fetched, considering that it has been confirmed for over a year now, that the CIA is shipping arms to the opposition from Jordan?” “ Bashar Al Assad has sold Syria to Russia, but the real charade is from the US, because of their agreement with Russia: when the FSA has the upper hand, they reduce the help to the rebels, when the regime is gaining ground, they increase the support to the opposition”
“A few radical groups of the Aleppo opposition seem to feel obliged to justify atrocities by radical takfiri such as the shooting of the boy with the coffee cart who “would refuse to offer free coffee even to the Prophet”, and the killing of Mr Kamami, a commander of the FSA, at a check point of the State of Iraq and Sham, by affirming that he was a spy of the regime”.
“ The noble verses says that those who swear at God should be whipped on the back, not killed, and that all innocent lives are sacred and equal in Islam. There is no difference between the rich and the poor, the man and the woman, the free and the slave. All are equal in the eyes of Allah Almighty; Allah Almighty did order all Muslims to offer and make peace with the enemy whenever it’s possible”.
Back home, an email from our Registry, advised: “We are busy updating a few systems and processes including memberships. We have recently had some complaints about your conduct in the field. Having revised the details, we feel that you are not meeting the Code of Conduct you had signed up to when you joined the FFR, the reason being damaging a hotel room, and attempting to have a colleague arrested. As such, we think it best that we disable your membership for the time being”. After the “time being” we recontacted the Register for reapplication, whereby they advised that it was not a suspension, but a removal. Sami, our real fixer at the AMC, confirmed later on not to worry, that indeed foreign journalists in Syria are often suspected to be sleuths. Actually, in Syria, they just call them spies.
I can tweet now but I might not do it forever. please save my daughter’s life and others. this is a call from a father.